Question Of Ethics In Photojournalism Media Essay

Question Of Ethics In Photojournalism Media Essay Ever since the practice of illustrating news stories with photographs was made possible at the turn of the 20th century, newspapers have relied heavily on strong, topical imagery that contributes greatly to the news media by making facts of an event relatable to the viewer. Photojournalists thence are not only expected to produce content thats timely and narrative, theyre also guided by a rigid ethical framework which demands that the work is both honest and impartial in strict journalistic terms. Weve all heard the saying: A picture is worth more than a thousand words, and over time, it has become apparent that no picture is worth more words than a picture that documents death and suffering caused by natural disasters, or death porn, as its often referred to as. Its true that when it comes to making headlines, photographs of human misery and devastation win the prize. Whether its an earthquake in Haiti or floods in Pakistan; a Tsunami in Japan or a hurricane in North America nothing resonates with viewers and readers like a graphic sometimes even downright gory image of the incident printed on the front page of a newspaper the very next day, or in a matter of hours in case of websites, making photojournalists and their work more and more popular and significant as we progress further into the digital age. It is important to note, however, that with such popularity comes great responsibility. While it would be nice to presume that every photojournalist is honest and complies with the ethical framework that dictates absolute objectivity, it sadly isnt the case. Like any other form of journalism, the problem with photojournalism ethics is that answers are not easily found when they are most needed. Ethics is an inherently subjective field, and hence what answers there are, are often derived from emotional outbursts of personal opinion rather than from the calm of reason like they should be. What are the Photographers personal motives? We need to understand that photojournalists are constantly defining reality. By selecting what stays in the 35mm frame and becomes a picture that will eventually be seen by the world, the photographer makes a conscious decision to edit out parts of a scene which may or may not have contextual relevance to the story. Decisions regarding camera, lens, angle of view, lighting, and modern editing tools such as Photoshop can very well change a photographs meaning and are therefore constant considerations. Especially in cases of natural disasters when conveying the news of the calamitys magnitude is important but the honour of victims is also at stake, photojournalists have a moral responsibility to decide what pictures to take and what pictures to eventually show to the public. This is where the issue of personal loyalties comes in. Photojournalists, like the rest of us, are human beings driven by self-esteem, self-actualisation and economic motives. It might be in some ways right to assume that if a photographer while on assignment in Haiti, for example, was more loyal to their own career progression, high on the idea of winning the Pulitzer for taking heart-wrenching pictures of children crushed under rubble of cement and steel while their mothers weep helplessly, instead of being loyal to the profession and documenting the aftermath of the earthquake in an impartial, non-sensational fashion, might be more prone to ethical oversights. The same rule applies for editors that operate in the newsrooms. It is important to understand that a photographer may in fact usually does have a very different ethical alignment than an editor, the organisation or the readers depending on catastrophe that he or she is covering. Taking a picture of a subject in an unfortu nate state is the photographers choice, usually based on a split-second decision, while publishing that photograph on the front page for the world to see is the editors choice which is made after a significant amount of contemplation and discussion. The problem of unpredictable audience reactions and a photographers dilemma: to shoot or not to shoot? You have to have an inner voice to tell you when to shoot and when not to shoot. Try to be the eyes of the reader you know that you are there doing your job because other people cant be there. It is a pretty heavy responsibilityà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ Our job is act as professionals and to show the world images that they cant see because they arent there. Says veteran photojournalist and Pulitzer finalist John Tlumacki, who has documented many natural as well as man-induced disasters during his decades-long career. News organizations and photojournalists often find themselves besieged by furious critics accusing them of publishing insensitive, graphic photos of disaster-struck zones that are not necessarily newsworthy and only serve to further the victims misery. However, according to Saeed Memon, a photojournalist who works for Pakistans Dawn News, the only way he felt he could really help people during the 2010 floods was by taking pictures that told the world of peoples stories and plight. Photographing the flood victims was one of the hardest jobs Memon was ever assigned. The misery and destruction is not something one can imagine sitting in the comfort of their homes, and photographing people die of disease and hunger following a natural disaster, he says, can be more psychologically rattling than photographing dead bodies in a war zone. Ive photographed dead children and people from decent families who were literally begging for food. The pictures I took not only haunt me but keep remindi ng me of the misery that I witnessed But do I regret taking the pictures? Absolutely not. The world needed to know. The same goes for every photographer who has covered the events in Haiti, New Orleans and South-East Asia after the Indian Ocean Tsunami: they just happened to be at the right place at the wrong time, and most of them seem to concur that the enormity of such disasters just cannot be communicated without graphic photos, which eventually foster support for rebuilding the devastated regions. But the questions that arise about these photographers moral and professional character once their work reaches the public are just a small price to pay. The publics reaction serves as a barometer of a photojournalists ethics. Public generated content Today, with the rise in technology and digital cameras, photographs flow in torrents. We have become documentarians; recorders of anything and everything, all the time, so if and when a disaster strikes, the influx of amateur photos and videos shot by self-proclaimed citizen journalists who know little or nothing about the journalists code of ethics is overwhelming. Although such no-holds-barred or tabloidy content might not be published by credible newspapers run by trained journalists and ombudsmen, it is quickly and easily splashed over the internet for all to see. And this gives professional photojournalists a bad name, according to Tlumacki. What people need to realize is that we are news photographers, not somebody out there with an iPhone, jumping over people to put images on YouTube. The decision making process: questions to ask self After every natural disaster, editors struggle to come up with answers to some critical questions: Will a picture offend the dignity of victims? Will the viewers appreciate it? Will not showing it sanitise the heartbreaking reality that is in fact newsworthy? All these contemplations lead to the ultimate question: where should the news media draw the line? The sheer magnitude of a disaster has much influence on an editors disposition. The Times ran a dramatic front-page photo of a woman overcome with grief amid rows of dead children after the Indian Ocean tsunami, and again, when Hurricane Katrina hit New Orleans, it ran another front-page picture of a body floating near a bridge where a woman was feeding her dog. The newspapers first public editor, Daniel Okrent, despite being bombarded with criticism, concluded the paper was right to publish these pictures because they told the story of the disaster. It is true that the more images of unimaginable suffering are published, the more international aid pours in because the victims are representatives of tens of thousands of people whose plight is essentially exemplified by the photojournalist, and it thus publicising their suffering can prove to be valuable in potentially saving many others. At the same time however, it must be remembered that if the images dont help propel the story, and are not respectful to the victims by infringing their privacy and photographing the deceased in stages of undress, or simply taken out of context by irresponsible and/or sensationalist close-ups, then the whole purpose of their job is rendered moot. Media biases There are multiple standards for choosing the photographs that go into print. One of the most significant standards proximity to readership prevents most newspapers from publishing graphic photos with local stories, no matter how significant the catastrophe. Many editors argue that if audiences are only exposed to explicit photos when the subjects can be classified as geographically, racially or socioeconomically different from the locals, then the photos themselves become a marker of difference. Western media has time and again been accused of treating deaths of these other more graphically and insensitively than the deaths of white people in the U.S. and Europe, and this was illustrated well in The hierarchy of global suffering: A critical discourse analysis of television news reporting on foreign natural disasters, published in the Journal of International Communication, a comparative analysis of glaringly biased news coverage by Western media during disasters in Australia, Indo nesia, Pakistan and USA. Concluding philosophies As a medium of storytelling that has progressively come to take precedence over the written word, photojournalism today has become more popular than ever, with thousands of brilliant, newsworthy but often also unnecessarily explicit images being published in newspapers, magazines and websites across the world every day. In his seminal textbook, Photojournalism, the Professionals Approach, author and photojournalism professor Kenneth Kobrà © writes, Photojournalism has no Bible, no rabbinical college, no Pope to define correct choices. Many studies conducted on the ethics of photojournalism over the years try to reach a conclusion by either interpreting general moral rules or specific guidelines of professional, ethical behavior in a journalistic context, but the truth is, no specific course of action can ever be completely right for all audiences for every imaginable situation. What can be conceded to however, is that truth laced with objectivity, beyond all other principles, is t he guiding warranty for ethical journalism in all situations and disaster coverage is certainly not an exception.

Caste Discrimination Essay

Caste systems are a form of social and economic governance that is based on principles and customary rules: Caste systems involve the division of people into social groups (castes) where assignments of rights aredetermined by birth, are fixed and hereditary. The assignment of basic rights among various castes is both unequal and hierarchical, with those at the top enjoying most rights coupled with least duties and those at the bottom performing most duties coupled with no rights. The system is maintained through the rigid enforcement of social ostracism (a system of social and economic penalties) in case of any deviations. Inequality is at the core of the caste system.  Those who fall outside the caste system are considered â€Å"lesser human beings†, â€Å"impure† and thus â€Å"polluting† to other caste groups. They are known to be â€Å"untouchable† and subjected to so-called â€Å"untouchability practices† in both public and private spheres. â€Å"Untouchables† are often forcibly assigned the most dirty, menial and hazardous jobs, such as cleaning human waste. The work they do adds to the stigmatisation they face from the surrounding society. The exclusion of ‘caste-affected communities’ by other groups in society and the inherent structural inequality in these social relationships lead to high levels of poverty among affected population groups and exclusion from, or reduced benefits from developmen t processes, and generally precludes their involvement in decision making and meaningful participation in public and civil life. The division of a society into castes is a global phenomenon not exclusively practised within any particular religion or belief system. In South Asia, caste discrimination is traditionally rooted in the Hindu caste system. Supported by philosophical elements, the caste system constructs the moral, social and legal foundations of Hindu society. Dalits are ‘outcastes’ or people who fall outside the four-fold caste system consisting of theBrahmin, Kshatriya, Vysya and Sudra. Dalits are also referred to as Panchamas or people of the fifth order. However caste systems and the ensuing caste discrimination have spread into Christian, Buddhist, Muslim and Sikh communities. Caste systems  are also found in Africa, other parts of Asia, the Middle East, the Pacific and in Diaspora communities around the world. In Japan association is made with Shinto beliefs concerning purity and impurity, and in marginalized African groups the justification is based on myths. Caste discrimination affects approximately 260 million people worldwide, the vast majority living in South Asia. Caste discrimination involves massive violations of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights. It is often outlawed in countries affected by it, but a lack of implementation of legislation and caste-bias within the justice systems largely leave Dalits without protection. Videos – Cases of Caste Discrimination Click here to see a Playlist from IDSNs YouTube Channel with a selection of videos dealing with cases of caste discrimination and the consequences of this. Understanding ‘Untouchability’  A comprehensive Study of practices and conditions in 1589 Villages Caste-based discrimination is the most complex human rights issue facing India today. To date, the tools used to assess its status have been divided by discipline—human rights, legal and social science. Although significant contributions toward understanding untouchability have been made in each of these areas, it is difficult to comprehend the scope and pervasiveness of the problem without combining the tools of all three. We have spent the last four years compiling quantitative, comprehensive and reliable data exposing the current state of untouchability (caste-based discrimination) against Dalitsi (â€Å"untouchables†) in Gujarat, India. This report presents data on untouchability practices in 1,589 villages from 5,462 respondents in Gujarat on the issue of untouchability. In 2000, Martin Macwan of Navsarjan received the Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award, initiating a long-term partnership between Navsarjan and the Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice & Human Rights. In response to Navsarjan’s identified need for an extensive study on caste discrimination, members of the RFK Global Advocacy Team from the University of Maryland/Kroc Institute at the University of Notre Dame, and Dartmouth College/University of Michigan joined the team. The objective was to contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the topic in order to better drive Navsarjan’s advocacy and intervention work. In its efforts across Gujarat and India, Navsarjan has experienced first-hand that a deeper  understanding gained by intensive data collection leads to the development of more effective strategies to address the contin ued practice of untouchability. Indeed, interactions with individuals across age, caste, gender and social sectors during the implementation of this study reveal that the potential for ending untouchability may exist within two large groups of people that can be seen as sources of hope. First, a large segment of Indian society, primarily of younger generation Indians, though largely ignorant about its scope and practice, appears ready and willing to learn about untouchability and work towards its true abolition. Second, another group of people across caste, nationality and religious affiliations have become deeply concerned about the prevalence of untouchability practices viewed from the perspective of human rights. This group of activists, advocates, donors, lawyers, students, academics, politicians and ordinary citizens has developed an awareness of untouchability as an issue of civil and human rights law. The report presents both a general and multi-disciplinary view of current untouchability practices across rural areas in Gujarat (bringing together political science, sociology, law, public policy and community organizing) and provides evidence to refute the belief that untouchability is limited to remote and economically underdeveloped corners of India. The broad picture of untouchability can be used to educate Indian society about these practices and to initiate an informed national and international debate on how to address the problem. Equally important, this report presents a picture of untouchability that promotes global visibility on the continued human rights violations suffered by Dalits and provides an example to other countries on methods for identifying, understanding and eliminating discriminatory activity. We believe that a systematic approach to understanding untouchability shatters the myth that the problem is intractable. Instead, we hope that the data presented here and the understanding it generates will spark new energy and commitment to the movement to end the injustice and indignity of untouchability. (to view the full report hit the link below) Caste-based discrimination is a form of discrimination prohibited by  international human rights law. Although it may not be equated with racism, it is quite clear from several references made by several UN treaty and charter-bodies that this issue warrants due recognition as an example of gross human rights violation that needs to be taken into consideration by all human rights mechanisms available in the UN system. ICERD definintions and CERD practice on descent-based discrimination The ‘descent’ limb of the definition of ‘racial discrimination’ Article 1(1) of ICERD defines ‘racial discrimination’ as follows: Any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, colour, descent, national or ethnic origin which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life (emphasis added) The term ‘descent’ as a prohibited ground of discrimination springs unheralded and unexplained into the basic framework of ICERD. It is one of only two terms in this list that isn’t borrowed directly from the UDHR formulation (the other being ‘ethnic origin’, in lieu of ‘social origin’). It does not appear in any of the key pre-ICERD texts on racial discrimination. It is also noteworthy that, although included in the definition in article 1(1), the term ‘descent’ was omitted from the list of prohibited grounds of discrimination in article 5 of ICERD. CERD General Recommendation No. 29 on descent CERD has confirmed its interpretation of ‘descent’, in the form of its General Recommendation No. 29 on ‘descent-based discrimination’, adopted on 22 August 2002. This General Recommendation: Confirms â€Å"the consistent view of the Committee that the term ‘descent’ in Article 1, paragraph 1 of the Convention does not solely refer to ‘race’ and has a meaning and application which complements the other prohibited grounds of discrimination†; and Reaffirms that â€Å"discrimination based on ‘descent’ includes discrimination against members of communities based on forms of social stratification such as caste and analogous systems of inherited status which nullify or impair their equal enjoyment of human rights†. From this review of CERD’s practice, it is apparent that the Committee has consciously and consistently adopted an interpretation of the ‘descent’ limb of article 1 of ICERD that e ncompasses situations of caste-based discrimination and analogous forms of  inherited social exclusion. Read CERD General Recommendation No. 29 on descent CERD General Recommendation No. 32 on special measures This CERD General Recommendation on the meaning and scope of special measures in the ICERD, adopted at its 75th session in August 2009, affirms General Recommendation 29 on Article 1, paragraph 1, of the Convention (Descent), which makes specific reference to special measures. The Committee also states that special measures should be ‘carried out on the basis of accurate data, disaggregated by race, colour, descent and ethnic or national origin and incorporating a gender perspective, on the socio-economic and cultural status and conditions of the various groups in the population and their participation in the social and economic development of the country.’ Subsequent CERD practice Any â€Å"subsequent practice in the application of the treaty which establishes the agreement of the parties regarding its interpretation† may also, in such circumstances, be taken into account. In the course of reviewing state party reports, CERD has expressed explicit reliance on the ‘descent’ limb of article 1 in order to address the situation of Dalits in India, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan, the UK, as well as the analogous situations of the Burakumin in Japan. CERD has also addressed situation of ‘descent-based discrimination’ in a number of other instances, even though in some of these additional cases the reliance upon the ‘descent’ limb of the article 1 of the Convention has been implicit. Concluding observations have been made by the Committee in respect of Yemen, Nigeria, Chad, Mali, Senegal, Madagascar, Mauritania, Burkina Faso, and Mauritius. Conflicts in Somalia had also been viewed by CERD as being based on descent, thus bringing them within the purview of ICERD. As CERD expert member Patrick Thornberry has argued, â€Å"whatever the argument on the relation between the specific reference to ‘race’ in Article 1 and the caste issue, there is a suggestion here that in the context of the Convention as a whole, and in particular in the context of special measures, the redress of caste disabilities finds a place.† Response by affected countries In early August 1996, CERD considered India’s consolidated tenth to fourteenth periodic reports. In this context, India sought to establish that discrimination related to caste did not fall within the scope of ICERD or within the jurisdiction of the Committee. â€Å"The term ‘caste’†, the Indian report declared, â€Å"denotes a ‘social’ and ‘class’ distinction and is not based on race.†The report expressly acknowledges that â€Å"Article 1 of the Convention includes in the definition of racial discrimination the term ‘descent’†, and that â€Å"oth castes and tribes are systems based on ‘descent’†. However, the Indian position concerning the interpretation of this term was that: †¦ the use of the term ‘descent’ in the Convention clearly refers to ‘race’. Communities which fall under the definition of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are unique to Indian society and its historical process. †¦ it is, therefore, submitted that the policies of the Indian Government relating to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes do not come under the purview of Article 1 of the Convention. In the course of discussion of the report in the Committee, the Indian delegation said that India’s report â€Å"had focused on matters relating to race as distinct from other categorizations referred to in the Constitution. †¦ Constitutionally, the concept of race was distinct from caste. †¦ To confer a racial character on the caste system would create considerable political problems which could not be the Committee’s intention. In the spirit of dialogue, however, India was prepared to provide more information on matters other than race, without prejudice to its understanding of the term ‘race’ in the Convention.† A number of CERD members challenged the Indian Government’s interpretation of the term ‘descent’, and in its concluding observations CERD insisted that â€Å"the term ‘descent’ mentioned in article 1 of the Convention does not solely refer to ‘race’†. Moreover, the Committee affirmed that â€Å"the situation of the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes falls within the scope of the Convention†, and went on to specifically recommend that â€Å"special measures be taken by the authorities to prevent acts of discrimination towards persons belonging to the scheduled castes and sc heduled tribes, and, in cases where such acts have been committed, to conduct thorough investigations, to punish those found to be responsible and to provide just and adequate reparation to the victims.† The Committee specifically stressed â€Å"the importance of the equal enjoyment by members of these groups of the rights to access health  care, education, work and public places and services, including wells, cafà ©s or restaurants.† CERD also recommended a public education campaign on human rights, â€Å"aimed at eliminating the institutionalized thinking of the high-caste and low-caste mentality.† Nepal has also appears to have acquiesced to CERD’s interpretation and practice in this regard. CERD has now taken up the issue of caste-based discrimination in Nepal on three successive occasions without demur from the Nepalese Government. Indeed, Nepal has volunteered substantial amounts of information concerning caste-based discrimination in its periodic reports. When Pakistan was examined by CERD in February 2009, the Government took a principled decision by engaging constructively in a dialogue with the Committee on how to tackle the challenges faced by the Government in addressing the issue of caste-based discrimination in contemporary Pakistan. CESCR General Comment No. 20 on non-discrimination General Comment No. 20 on Non-Discrimination in Economic, Social and Cultural Rights was adopted by the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR) at its 42nd session in May 2009. In this General Comment, the Committee reaffirms CERD GR No. 29 that â€Å"the prohibited ground of birth also includes descent, especially on the basis of caste and analogous systems of inherited status.† The Committee recommends States parties to â€Å"take steps, for instance, to prevent, prohibit and eliminate discriminatory practices directed against members of descent-based communities and act against dissemination of ideas of superiority and inferiority on the basis of descent.† Caste in the Universal Declaration on Human Rights In none of the human rights instruments does the term ‘caste’ appear. Nevertheless, an examination of the travaux preparatoires of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights shows that caste was explicitly contemplated by the drafters as being encompassed in some of the more general terminology in the UDHR’s foundational non-discrimination provision. In 1948, the Third Committee of the UN General Assembly was in debate over the inclusion of the word ‘birth’ in the list of prohibited grounds of distinction in what was to become article 2 of the Declaration. Mr Habib, representing India, said that he ‘favoured the use of the word ‘caste’ rather than ‘birth’, as the latter  was already implied in the article.’ Mrs Roosevelt for the United States of America, and a member of the informal drafting group, demurred to both this intervention. In her opinion, ‘the words â€Å"property or other status† took in to consideration the various new suggestions that had been made.’ Mr Appadorai of the Indian delegation in effect accepted the US and Chinese caste-inclusive interpretations of some of the more general language in the draft article. He said ‘his delegation had only proposed the word â€Å"caste† because it objected to the word â€Å"birth†. The words â€Å"other status† and â€Å"social origin† were sufficiently broad to cover the whole field; the delegation of India would not, therefore, insist on its proposal.’ It is apparent therefore that caste was acknowledged in the drafting process as being encompassed in the terms ‘other status’ and/or ‘social origin’, if not also in ‘birth’ (the specific grounds of the Indian objection to this term not being entirely clear from the travaux). To that extent, a special meaning may be regarded as having been attributed to those terms. As well as appearing in the non-discrimination provisions of most subsequent international human rights instruments, the terms ‘social origin’ and/or ‘other status’ (either or both of them) have been incorporated in the non-discrimination provisions of the significant number of national constitutions that have borrowed these formulations from the UDHR. At the same time, it is noteworthy that a number of national constitutions have put the matter beyond question so far as their domestic legal regimes are concerned by explicitly referring to caste in their non-discrimination provisions. This applies to the constitutions of India, Nepal, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Burkina Faso. Caste discrimination: More than 165 million people in India continue to be subject to discrimination, exploitation and violence simply because of their caste. In India’s â€Å"hidden apartheid,† untouchability relegates Dalits throughout the country to a lifetime of segregation and abuse. Caste-based divisions continue to dominate in housing, marriage, employment and general social interaction—divisions that are reinforced through economic boycotts and physical violence. Working in partnership with the International Dalit  Solidarity Network, India’s National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights, and the Gujarat-based Dalit grassroots organizationNavsarjan, IHRC works to hold the Indian government accountable for its systematic failure to respect, protect, and ensure Dalits’ fundamental human rights. In 2007, for instance, the IHRC issued a series of statements and a report based on its analysis of India’s failure to uphold its international legal obligations to ensure Dalit rights, despite the existence of laws and policies against caste discrimination. The report Hidden Apartheid—which was produced in collaboration with Human Rights Watch—was released as a â€Å"shadow report† in response to India’s submission to the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, which monitors implementation of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. IHRC also participated in proceedings related to the Committee’s review of India’s compliance with the Convention and presented the report’s findings.

Adult Learning and Learning Styles Essay

When one thinks about education thoughts are naturally turned toward adolescents. In today’s society the media is quick to expose flaws in the educational system. One rarely thinks about the educational needs of adults, but for many adults there is a large need for continuing their education. One might venture to ask the question what is adult learning? According to Malcolm Knowles adult learning is a process of self-directed inquiry (Urological Nursing, 2006). Although there are many adults that are driven to continue their education, the idea can be overwhelming for most. It is best for the adult learner to prepare for the journey by knowing the process of adult learning, identifying the types of learning styles, and identifying one’s personal learning style. Assessing the level of the above traits and the readiness to learn will equip the adult learner with an arsenal of tools. Learning is defined as, a relatively permanent change in an organisms behavior (Merriam, Caffarella, & Baumgartner 2004). There are a multiple theories as to how people learn. The more popular theory is the Learning Theory. The learning theory encompasses five orientations to learning: Behaviorist, Humanist, Cognitivist, Social Cognitive, and Constructivist (Merriam et al. , 2007). This paper will focus on the behaviorist aspect of learning, the permanent change in behavior. Understanding how and why adults learn will increase the chances of teaching success. The reason most adults enter any learning experience is to create change. This could encompass a change in (a. ) their skills, (b. ) behavior, (c. ) knowledge level, or (d. ) even their attitudes about things (Adult Education Center, 2005). The degree of motivation is what separate adult learners from school age children, previous experience, engagement in the learning process, and applied learning. Adults learn best when convinced of the need for knowing the information (Urologic Nursing, 2006). For example, an employee who is offered a training opportunity that will directly impact one’s job will be more likely to take advantage of the opportunity, as compared to an employee whose training opportunity is not directly related to the employee’s job description. Adults have a greater depth, breath, and variation in the quality of previous life experiences than younger people (O’Brien, 2004). Former experiences can lead the adult learner to connect current learning to something learned in the past. For example, if an adult learner is taking an advance course in Accounting. One might be able to recall a mathematical strategy used previously in a basic course that can apply to the current accounting class. Utilizing experience in this fashion can lead to making the learning experience more meaningful. In a classic study, Rogers (1969) illustrated that when an adult learner has control over the nature, timing, and direction of the learning process, the entire experience is facilitated. Adults tend to be self-directed and decide what they want to learn. For instance, in today’s economy many adults have decided to return to school in order to become more marketable in the current economic slowdown. The website for the Higher Education Statistics Agency ( HESA) states that 24% of undergraduate students are now classified as mature students (i. e.21 years of age), many of whom have arrived in university after completing a foundation-level access course at a further education college. Choosing to return to school allows learners to have more control over the educational process. It allows the adult learner to choose which program to enroll, and the level of commitment towards the program the learner is willing to give. It is important to remember that in order to engage the adult learner and facilitate the transfer of knowledge, patience and time on the part of the teacher and learner are needed (Urologic Nursing, 2006). As skills and knowledge are acquired, it is paramount to include return demonstrations by the learner (Urologic Nursing, 2006). It is important for the teachers to observe the learned skills in the learner, and for the learner to experience the progress in their understanding, and application of the education. Seeing progress and realizing a tangible movement forward in the learning process may increase the learner’s motivation to learn even more. Table 1. Characteristics of Adult Learners * Autonomous and self- directed. * Accumulated a foundation of experiences and knowledge * Goal oriented * Relevancy oriented * Practical * Need to be shown respect Characteristics of Adult Learners Source: Knowles, 1970 Table 2. Sources of Motivation for Adult Learning * Social Relationships * External Expectations * Social Welfare * Personal Advancement * Escape/Simulation * Cognitive Interest Source: Lieb, 1991 Learning styles refers to the consistent way in which a learner responds to or interacts with stimuli in the learning context (Robert Loo, 2002). Learning styles are related to cognitive styles of the learner’s personality, temperament, and motivation. According to Riding and Cheema (1991) the concept of learning styles seem to emerge in the 1970’s as a replacement for the cognitive styles. Activity in the learning styles field has been so strong that some 21 different models have been developed (Curry, 1983). Kolb’s Experimental Learning Model (ELM) is one of the most popular and utilized learning models today. ELM has attracted a wide audience as well as application. His model is founded on Jung’s concept of types or styles through which the individual develops by using higher level of integration and expression of non-dominant modes of dealing with the world (Kolb, 1994). Experience is formed into concepts that guide the choice of new experiences. Kolb’s model reflects two dimensions based on (a) perceiving , which involves concrete experience (feeling) and abstract conceptualization (thinking), and (b) processing, which involves active experimentation (doing) and reflective observation (watching) (Robert Loo, 2002). These two dimensions form the following four quadrants reflecting four learning styles: accommodator, diverger, assimilator, and converger (Robert Loo, 2002). FIGURE 1. Kolb’s Two–Dimensional Learning Model and Four Learning Styles Accommodator Diverger Converger Assimilator Concrete Experience Active Experimentation Reflective Observation Abstract Conceptualization Accommodators are described as â€Å"hands on† or â€Å"gut feelings, divergers deal best with concrete situations, assimilators understand a wide range of information, and convergers are best at finding practical uses for ideas (Kolb, 1994). As more adults are participating in learning activities, adults are beginning to seek ways to improve their learning experiences. One way in which adult learners are achieving these goals is to familiarize themselves with their individual learning styles. How do adult learners identify their personal learning style? Many have been interested in how one learns. Even before the 1970’s, scholars have known that matching teaching styles and learning styles would result in improved grades, which logically reflect greater learning. Understanding ones learning style can lead to successful learning for all learners. Over the past fifty years researchers have learned a great deal about learning styles and how to identify them. Adult learners can improve test scores and increase content knowledge by identifying styles. Dunn and Dunn (1992) demonstrate that when students are taught using their preferred learning styles, the show increased academic achievement and improved attitudes toward instruction than when they are taught using their non-preferred style (Joseph Pitts, 2009). The problem has been that instruments are often time consuming in administering, scoring, and implementing. Research on learning and cognitive styles evolved from psychological research on individual differences (Curry, 1987). In the process, scholars began to develop inventories and other measures to identify the learning styles they discovered (Joseph Pitts, 2009). In the early 90’s more than thirty published instruments that assess the dimensions of learning styles were in use. In order for adult learners to identify their learning style they most use a valid learning style inventory. There is a multitude of learning inventories. Many are composed of self-report rank ordered questions. For example, Curry (1987) organized a three-layer system composed of twenty one learning styles. The first level focuses on learning behavior, the second level centers on information-processing dimensions, and the third presents instructional preferences. TABLE 1. Curry’s Classification System of Learning Styles Instruments| Level| Author| Instrument| 1. Instructional and environmental preferences| Canfield and LaffertyDunn, Dunn, and PriceFriedman and Stricter| Learning Styles InventoryLeaning Style InventoryInstructional Preferences| 2. Information-processing preferences| BiggsEndwise and RamsdenHuntKolb| Study Process QuestionnaireApproaches to StudyingParagraph Completion MethodLearning Styles Inventory| 3. Personality-related preferences| KaganMyersWitkin| Matching Familiar Figures TestMyer-Briggs Type IndicatorEmbedded Figures Test| Source: Curry 1987 Dunn et al. (1992) classified individuals as analytical or global learners that analytical learners are more successful when information is presented step-by-step in a cumulative, sequential pattern that builds towards conceptual understanding (i. e. , a part-to-whole pattern of learning). These individuals prefer to learn in a quiet, well-illuminated, formal setting: often have a strong emotional need to complete tasks; like to learn alone or one-on-one with a teacher; prefer highly structured assignments; and rarely eat, drink, smoke, chew, or bite on objects while learning. Global learners have the opposite set of characteristics, learning more easily when they master a concept first and then concentrate better with distractors such as sound, soft lighting, and informal seating arrangement and some form of intake (e. g. eating or drinking). They take frequent breaks by studying and often work on several tasks simultaneously. Global learners prefer to work with their peers and structure tasks in their own way. In conclusion, many adults for different reasons are choosing to return to some form of educational activity. Some are motivated because of social relationships, personal advancement, or cognitive interest, but whatever the reasons, adults should be prepared for the journey. Adults can prepare by knowing the process of adult learning, identifying the types of learning styles, and identifying one’s own style. Reference Page Londell D. Jackson (2006). Revisiting Adult Learning Theory through the Lens of an Adult Learner. Harold Pashler, Mark McDaniel, Doug Rohrer, and Robert Bjork (2009). Learning Styles, Concepts and Evidence. University of California, San Diego, Washington University in St Louis, University of South Florida, and University of California, Las Angeles. Joseph Pitts (2009). Identifying and Using a Teacher Friendly Learning-Styles Instrument. Sally Russell (2006). An Overview of Adult-Learning Processes. Urological Nursing.

Is Bataille s Philosophy Something We Could Realistically...

Is Bataille’s philosophy something we could realistically live by? Critically discuss with reference to the concepts of unproductive expenditure and transgression. Bataille argues that in modern capitalist society, we are measured by our utility and production within this system. Material utility is restricted to production and to conserving goods whilst limited to reproduction and to the preservation of human life. As a result, we work within this framework where values, rules and laws have been created for us to work within, which, Bataille argues, restricts our liberty. Though utility is an apparent positive principle of capitalism, Bataille sees this as a principle of powerlessness and an incapability of being able to expend (Botting and Wilson, 1997, 192). He uses the example of a boy who wants to waste and destroy but cannot do this because he cannot justify it in utilitarian terms and is unaware that others also have this interest. The father of the boy is partly responsible for repressing the boy’s desire to waste and destroy through things he provides for him: a home, clothes food and partial recreation. This does not actua lly satisfy what the son’s desires are as there is something fundamental within the character of the son. Bataille is trying to demonstrate how in society, the father is like production, which provides us with the basic components of living but not what we really need and how this excess desire the boy has, needs to be satisfied. Rules and